Gaza

With these outrageous images, Hamas may have helped Israel convince world leaders to have its back to remove Hamas’ terrorist regime from power in the Gaza Strip.

The gruesome PR spectacles produced by Hamas during the release of Israeli hostages have been offering the world a glimpse into the core elements of the Gaza conflict. The true nature of what is often described as a mere territorial dispute, or careless and pointless warfare, is now being exposed as a deep-seated clash between civilizations.

Hamas’ propaganda machine thus resurfaced the central role of information, image, and symbolism in communicating this clash and highlighted how it stretches far beyond the sandy, dusty battlefield. In a way, it also inadvertently helped Israel make its case in its demand to end the war with nothing short of a clear, victorious result.

Over the past fortnight, Hamas released several batches of Israeli hostages in exchange for the release from Israeli prisons of notorious terrorists as part of its commitment to the deal mediated by the United States. Evidently, the terror group was not going to acknowledge loss, concede a compromise, and quietly hand out hostages.

That would be uncharacteristic of insurgent strongmen in an honor-bound Arab culture, heavily reliant on commanding and coercing the respect and awe of their public. Surrounded by destruction and debris, Hamas militants thus chose to stage a carefully-branded victory parade, oblivious to the extent of irony involved – at least, in Western eyes.

As opposed to the ritual in November 2023 – the first hostage deal, when terrorists wearing uniforms simply handed out hostages to the Red Cross, Hamas leveraged the release this time to produce a meticulously-planned show of force. The hostages were forced to become the main actors in the epicenter of a PR spectacle designated to muscle up Hamas’ regained control in Gaza.

Petrified Israeli young women and elderly were forced to march through a stampede of jeering Gaza residents, paraded like trophies. Hamas constructed a stage and invited journalists. It handed the hostages self-proclaimed “release kits” and certificates that it proudly signed and stamped with the Red Cross as a sign of confirmation of its authority toward its people in Gaza.

The frenzied crowd that mobbed the hostages witnessed how Hamas prevents them from accessing their “property” – and Israeli, the most valuable “prize” possible – all while half-enjoying the attention and the respect they commanded.

Hamas then instructed the hostages to wave and smile to the crowd, as captured in one video featuring instructions by a Hamas cameraman signaled to hostage Agam Berger. Other female soldiers kidnapped on October 7 victoriously waved to the crowd as well, in a courageous way that commanded the awe of the Israeli public.

Effectively, Hamas transposed the asset that these hostages constituted for it. It cynically used them as bargaining chips to obtain concessions from Israel. When Israel agreed, their asset converted into being used as props in Hamas’ propaganda machine.

The sensationalized way in which Hamas chose to release these hostages dials back to a fundamental principle of terrorism – intimidate, spread the message, and impose policy through fear. The lesson by Brazilian guerilla combatant and radical author Carlos Marighella to carry out “armed propaganda,” or heinous acts that would shock and awe public opinion, was not lost on Hamas. It recognizes the power of propaganda to accomplish its goals and does not hesitate to use international media attention to do just that.

Backstage banners

For this reason, it chose to send a message to international viewers by printing out backstage banners in both Arabic and English – one for their home front, one for outsiders. Broadcasted to millions of viewers, the banners denounced “criminal Zionism” and praising “Palestinian freedom fighters”. All of these resonate well with some of the young progressive protesters who cheered Hamas up on college campuses and view it as part of the so-called coalition of the oppressed.

Had anyone doubted Hamas’ true objective, they evaporated with these images. Its determination not to end the so-called occupation but to annihilate Israel and replace it with a Palestinian state that it controls, a vision shared by almost all surveyed Palestinians, was presented in broad daylight for all to see.

In that, Hamas took a page out of the playbook of the Soviet communist regime, the Nazi party, the Iranian mullahs, and the Russian government, who place a high premium on appearances and propaganda. Russian state media featured President Putin shaking hands with released Ukrainian child hostages, who were forced to thank him for allegedly salvaging them from their families.

ISIS handpicked the infamous orange jumpers worn by its slain victims to reflect revenge over the way they see the treatment of Islamist terrorists in the Guantanamo Bay prison. The Nazis invested heavily in propaganda through caricatures, movies, and symbolism and swayed the public by staging heavily-budgeted light spectacles with lit torches in Nuremberg.

Much like it did in the October 7 massacre, when it cruelly livestreamed its slain victims and used everything from go-pro body cameras to drones, Hamas has proven its recognition of the value in mass media. Gone are the days of home-recorded footage showing the abducted Nahshon Waxman (1994) or Gilad Shalit (2009) speaking to the camera. Hamas now invests in blockbuster-level quality video productions showing hostages in cages or militants targeting IDF soldiers, competing for the top spot with their jihadist counterparts at ISIS and the PIJ.

The live coverage by the media, the excitement ramped up in public squares in Israel, and the inflow of pundits and posts only encouraged Hamas to invest more in this diabolical abuse of victims. Former UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher scorned journalists who inadvertently gave a platform to the IRA’s intimidation campaign, telling them not to cover it and “starve the terrorist and the hijacker of the oxygen of publicity on which they depend.”

Granted, today’s hyperstimulated media environment makes it much more complicated to ignore such events, but Thatcher’s lesson does invite us to rethink our attitude to information during war. For example, the avalanche of narratives and claims posing as journalistic reporting during the Gaza war were put to the test by these images, in a way that Hamas did not necessarily intend.

Viewers and readers are repeatedly told to believe that the people of Gaza reject Hamas and unilaterally suffer from Israel’s military actions – in a way that cannot be reconciled with the images of the masses mobbing the hostages and actively participating in their humiliation.

The Gazan population that was alleged to be starving showed up wearing top-to-toe fashion outfits, filming the hostages with fully-charged phones in a way that would make the people of Yemen or South Sudan jealous. One could only wonder how claims over a “humanitarian catastrophe” in Gaza, propelled by no other than the United Nations’ Secretary General, reconcile with the HD cameras and HR microphones that documented the hostages’ release, the printing shop that produced the back stage, or the luxurious Chevrolet that brought them to the pickup point.

Propaganda as a viable dimension of war did serve Hamas for intimidation, and certainly scored political points among the Gazans public, yet it is also not unthinkable that Hamas outdid its own success. These over-the-top productions could have done Israel’s job in explaining the true humanitarian situation in Gaza, by raising doubts on the common wisdom surrounding the claims on deliberate starvation and genocide.

These images served Israel better than any chart in debunking these accusations, especially as it committed to allowing hundreds more trucks per day – so far exceeding 1 million tons of aid flowing into Gaza.

Public opinion may have been swayed in Gaza and among Hamas sympathizers abroad, but these images also obtained the opposite result than what Hamas had hoped for. Leaders, commentators, and leading journals widely condemned and rejected this circus. This may help Israel make its case to resume the war after the cease-fire is over.

If there is any lesson learned by the October 7 massacre, it is that such a grave and present threat cannot be left to metastasize unchecked in the Gaza Strip, and needs to be duly removed from power before it can carry out another atrocity. With these outrageous images, Hamas may have helped Israel convince world leaders to have its back to do just that.

This article was originally published on the Jerusalem Post.

The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the movement